Holy Roman Empire

It turns out the British overestimated their influence. With Austria remaining silent and France passively inactive, the willingness of European countries to intervene in the Russo-Prussian War was far weaker than expected.

Diplomatically, everyone waved the banner of “peace,” actively calling for Prussia and Russia to cease hostilities. But when it came time for military intervention, no one was willing to step up.

Deploying troops was out of the question. Even when the British merely suggested that everyone make a show of force to intimidate the Russians, no one wanted to cooperate.

At its core, the desire to limit Russia stemmed from concerns over national security.

Now, however, the situation has changed. With Austria’s resurgence, Russia’s ambitions to expand westward had become impossible.

Without sufficient benefits, the enthusiasm for participation naturally waned. The British government’s “face” was only worth a few diplomatic statements to put pressure on the Russian government.

The British government’s eagerness to intervene was due to the massive resources they had invested in the Prussian-Polish Federation, with stakes too high to abandon.

In a sense, this also reflected Britain’s declining influence in Europe. The existence of France and Austria had weakened British hegemony.

Without cooperation from France and Austria, Britain alone was unable to pressure the Russian government into compromising. International mediation had become a genuine “mediation” with no ability to influence the course of the Russo-Prussian War.

The international intervention promised by the British never materialized, leaving the Prussian government, desperate to extricate itself, in a panic.

The Polish territories had already been lost, Poznań had turned into a battlefield, and East Prussia seemed unlikely to hold out much longer.

The once-powerful Prussian-Polish Federation now retained less than 30% of its territory and fewer than 40% of its population. Public morale and national unity had plummeted to rock bottom.

In recent times, a series of disruptive incidents like strikes, business shutdowns and tax resistance had erupted across the Kingdom of Prussia.

The Prussian people had already sacrificed too much for this war. The crushing burden had left them gasping for relief.

Berlin was now under martial law. If the war continued, Wilhelm I feared that one day he might find himself sent to the guillotine.

This was the inherent flaw of “***ism.” The disproportionately high military expenditures had severely undermined public welfare.

To sustain this powerful army, the Prussian government had no choice but to exploit its people. Prussian citizens bore the heaviest tax burden in all of Europe.

When the victories kept coming, patriotic fervor could serve as a buffer. But now, with losses on the battlefield, the mounting tensions could no longer be contained.

Wilhelm I asked anxiously, “What are the British saying?”

Pinning their hopes on Britain was a last resort. The remaining Kingdom of Prussia was too weak to contend with the Russian forces on its own.

To overcome this crisis, international support was essential. But in the world of nations, only interests are eternal. Beyond Britain, which was bound to them by debt, the Prussian government had no significant leverage to entice other countries.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman answered bitterly, “The British government is trying to convince the French. They’ve suggested we leverage German nationalism to seek the support of the Austrian government.”

Upon hearing this, Finance Minister Gormann seemed as though he’d been provoked, abruptly standing up and saying, “No! We absolutely cannot use German nationalism! it will bring endless trouble in the future.

For years, we’ve been promoting Greater Prussianism, and we’ve worked hard to suppress German nationalism. If we compromise now, all our efforts will have been in vain.

Austria is no easy partner. If we concede to them now, it will be difficult to break free from their influence in the future.”

Nationalism is a double-edged sword. While using it to gain Austria’s support, the Kingdom of Prussia would also find itself shackled by it.

As the saying goes, “It’s easy to invite gods but hard to send them away.” Austria’s power is not easily borrowed. By then, Prussia would face surging German nationalism at home and Austria wielding the banner of German unification abroad, leaving the kingdom little room to refuse.

For the common people, unification might seem like a favorable outcome. But for the Junker aristocracy, it would be a catastrophic disaster.

Under the Austrian-led Holy Roman Empire system, military and political powers are strictly separated. With a central government in place, the first thing the Prussian government would do is sideline the Junker-dominated military.

After unification, the Prussian army would be sidelined. If they also lost control over the Prussian government, it would be nearly impossible for them to maintain their current privileged lifestyle.

When class interests are at stake, compromise is naturally out of the question.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman tried to reason, “Your Excellency, calm down. No one wants to see Austria achieve unification more than the British. The situation is not as straightforward as it seems.

Let’s not forget that we have an unruly neighbor next door. Now that we’re down on our luck, they’re eager to kick us while we’re down.

According to reports from our embassy, there’s been frequent contact between Britain and Germany lately. While the specifics are unclear, it’s highly likely tied to Britain’s earlier proposal for the union between Prussia and Germany.

German nationalism comes in different forms. Beyond Austria’s Greater Germanism, there’s also Hanover’s North Germanism.

All signs suggest that the British want us to join forces with Hanover to establish North Germany and prevent Austria from unifying the German region.”

First, use German nationalism to gain the support of the Austrian government, then turn around and betray Austria by playing the North Germany card but this is not simple to do.

Even if it succeeds, it will turn Austria into an enemy. Combined with the threat from Russia to the east, Prussia would have no choice but to cling to Britain for support.

If it fails, the consequences would be even worse. Either Austria and Russia would carve Prussia up, or Austria might swallow it entirely. There’s even a chance that the so-called “Comedy Empire” could take over.

The current Kingdom of Prussia is far from its former glory. Without the Rhineland, and with the potential loss of the original Prussian duchy, a further division would leave it as nothing.

King Wilhelm I shook his head and said, “The British plan is too risky and doesn’t guarantee our interests. It should only be a last resort.

What progress has the Foreign Ministry made with the French? What do they want in exchange for their intervention?”

Even a cunning hare knows to have three burrows. The Prussian government naturally wouldn’t rely solely on Britain, France was another fallback option.

Long before the war broke out, the Prussian government had been working to improve relations with France. If Britain hadn’t taken the lion’s share of the spoils, leaving France with only scraps, the French wouldn’t have withdrawn midway through.

Of course, the Prussian government itself bears some responsibility. Its lack of effective diplomacy failed to balance British and French interests properly.

Foreign Minister Geoffrey Friedman replied, “The French government hasn’t given a clear answer yet. They’re still hesitating. This might be related to recent Russian diplomatic efforts, which seem to have shaken France’s resolve to support us.

A long time ago, some within the French government proposed forming an alliance with Russia to contain Austria’s expansion.

However, such calls were never very loud. On the one hand, Russia and Austria have maintained good relations, so drawing Russia into an alliance wouldn’t have much effect. On the other hand, the French pride themselves on their strength and don’t believe they need allies to contain Austria.”

An alliance between France and Russia to contain Austria’s expansion? The average person might believe that, but Wilhelm I certainly didn’t.

Austria has been keeping a low profile on the European continent for many years, presenting a harmless image and maintaining good relations with most countries. The “Austrian threat” narrative doesn’t hold much weight on the continent.

If a Franco-Russian alliance were to form, Austria wouldn’t be the first target.

At least not before the Prussian-Polish Federation is finished. After all, Prussia and Russia are already at war, and the Russian government wouldn’t provoke new enemies before crushing them.

Wilhelm I said sternly, “No matter what, we must stop a Franco-Russian alliance, even if it’s only a possibility. If our strength isn’t enough, we’ll leak the information to Britain and Austria. Spread some rumors as well to draw their attention.”

Paranoia describes Wilhelm I’s current mindset perfectly. He had no choice but to be on edge. If a Franco-Russian alliance were to form, not only would the Prussian-Polish Federation be doomed, but even the Kingdom of Prussia itself might be lost.

…

The Prussian government was in a panic, but the Russians weren’t having an easy time either. Alexander II had barely enjoyed the victory of reclaiming Warsaw before new troubles emerged.

Occupying the Polish territories wasn’t the end of the problem, it was the beginning of a new one. Large enemy forces had been defeated, but now smaller groups of adversaries were everywhere.

It could be said that “where there are Poles, there are guerrilla fighters.”

Calling them “guerrilla fighters,” however, might actually insult real guerrilla fighters. In essence, these various armed groups were nothing more than rabble.

They were mainly composed of defeated soldiers fleeing the battlefield, combined with displaced refugees roaming aimlessly. These groups lacked political agendas, clear objectives, or even a sense of direction. In short, they were embodiments of “chaos.”

Most of these armed groups weren’t formed to resist the Russians but rather to survive.

The Russo-Prussian War had created a massive number of refugees. Additionally, the Prussian government relocated many of these refugees to Warsaw. Except for a small number who managed to find new jobs, most had to rely on government rations to survive.

When Moltke retreated, he was in such a rush that he left behind not only the wounded but also these refugees, with no plans to bring them along.

Before the Battle of Warsaw concluded, the defending forces, realizing the situation was hopeless, deliberately destroyed their food supplies. Without sufficient provisions to capture, the Russians lacked the resources to aid the refugees, making it impossible to distribute rations.

Hunger cannot be ignored, and in the fight for survival, disaster soon followed. The darker side of human nature began to surface. While the chaos in the city was suppressed by the Russian military, the areas outside the city were left unattended.

This delay only worsened the problem. Poland was now overrun with bandits, guerrilla fighters, highwaymen, and robbers.

Without hesitation, Marshal Ivanov immediately ordered a crackdown. However, these groups were highly localized and avoided direct confrontations. They would engage only when they had the upper hand and retreat when outmatched.

After a series of tactical maneuvers and cat-and-mouse games, the Russian army managed to secure control over only a few major cities. The rest of the region remained under the control of these chaotic armed groups.

In St. Petersburg, Alexander II angrily questioned, “What is going on here? Why hasn’t Poland been stabilized after so long?

The enemy’s main forces have been annihilated, yet we still can’t deal with a group of unruly civilians? Has the army grown so soft in its comfort that they’ve forgotten how to fight a war?”

The discipline of the Russian military had always been questionable. Marshal Ivanov could only enforce order during wartime. Once the fighting ended, the soldiers returned to their old indulgent ways.

After the recapture of Warsaw, the Russian soldiers indulged themselves once again, as they always had.

However, times had changed, and the world now had newspapers. The atrocities committed by the Russian army in Warsaw were exposed by well-meaning advocates for justice, further tarnishing the Russian government’s already poor reputation.

In light of the military victory, Alexander II refrained from holding frontline officers accountable, merely issuing a warning.

When Alexander II mentioned the “land of indulgence” now, it wasn’t to bring up past transgressions or out of anger. To the Tsar, the chaos in Poland was a minor issue, his primary intent was to reprimand the military.

Victory often leads to arrogance, and after reclaiming Poland, the Russian military’s overconfidence had reached troubling levels, which greatly displeased Alexander II.

Marshal Ivanov frowned and, steeling himself, stepped forward to explain, “Your Majesty, the problem in Poland does not lie with the defeated soldiers or the bandits. Eliminating these ragtag groups is no challenge at all.

The real issue is the refugees. The current chaos is entirely caused by them. Unless the refugee problem is resolved, the bandit problem will persist endlessly.”

It wasn’t that the Russian army wasn’t trying to suppress the bandits, but with millions of refugees wandering Poland, bandits, robbers, and guerrilla fighters kept springing up like weeds. Cut one down, another grows back in its place.

As long as the root cause isn’t eliminated, Poland will never achieve stability. Solving it at the root is simple: address the refugee problem.

The refugee issue may seem straightforward, but in reality, it is the most troublesome challenge.

Theoretically, now that the war in Poland has ended, the refugees could simply be sent back to their homes to resume production, with a subsidy for six months’ worth of grain to sustain them.

The Russian Empire does not lack grain, so providing this amount would not be a significant issue.

However, this is only true in theory. During the First World War in the original timeline, even though Russia had sufficient grain, frontline soldiers still went hungry and cold.

Marshal Ivanov didn’t even propose relief for the refugees. It was not because he was heartless, but because it was simply unfeasible.

While the Russian Empire had ample grain, the problem was that the grain was not in Poland. The Russian government’s logistical capabilities were limited, and the supply chain was already stretched to its limit just sustaining the frontline troops.

Handling the food supplies for millions of refugees is truly a difficult task. Unless the Russian government abandons its subsequent war plans and frees up the transport capacity used for shipping strategic materials to transport food, there might be a slight possibility.

Alexander II shook his head.

“When faced with problems, you must find a way to solve them. I don’t care how you do it, but Poland must stabilize as soon as possible. It cannot interfere with our upcoming spring offensive against the enemy.”

It might be a difficult task, but more importantly, it was about shifting the blame. Alexander II did not want to continue bearing the title of “butcher,” so the responsibility naturally fell to his subordinates.

At this point, Poland was still considered the frontline, and the government had not yet taken control. The blame was inevitably going to fall on the military.

As for who would take the fall, that was an internal military matter. With the responsibility off his shoulders, Marshal Ivanov secretly breathed a sigh of relief.

After a brief pause, Ivanov replied, “Your Majesty, rest assured. The General Headquarters has already given the Fourth Army, stationed in Warsaw, a direct order, commanding them to clear the area within two months. You will see results soon.”

No one raised any objections. Someone had to take the blame, and the Fourth Army, which had recently acted without orders and nearly faced total annihilation, was the perfect scapegoat.

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