Holy Roman Empire

At the Poznań Prussian Army Headquarters, Moltke was busy holding a military meeting to discuss whether to recapture Poznań.

From a geographical perspective, Poznań lies in the heart of the Polish Plain and serves as a transportation hub and industrial center, making it naturally advantageous to control.

However, being located on the Polish Plain, Poznań’s geographic position is not particularly strategic. As an inland city in the heartland, Poznań faces no immediate external threats and thus lacks substantial defensive fortifications.

On the surface, it should be easy to capture. In reality, it’s the opposite. The main force of the Russian Eighth Army has entrenched itself within the city and, to bolster their defense, forcibly expelled the civilian population from the area.

In modern times, this might be seen as a positive development, as it would allow the Prussian Army to attack without worrying about civilian casualties, enabling them to go all out.

But in this era, it’s a different story. The limited power of artillery means that destroying a city requires consuming vast amounts of ammunition and time.

To help the Warsaw defenders delay as much as possible, the Prussian forces left behind a large stockpile of artillery shells when they withdrew. However, the supplies they carried with them were limited.

Even if they could have resupplies sent from the homeland, it wouldn’t solve the problem. The Russians are clearly prepared for urban warfare, which won’t be resolved in a day or two. The Prussian Army simply doesn’t have enough time to get bogged down here.

The Prussian government issued repeated orders, urging them to return quickly and deal with the Russian forces that were now approaching the outskirts of Berlin.

As for the Poznań battlefield, it was only the military that was still making an effort. Most of the Prussian government officials were no longer focused on defeating the Russians. Instead, they were thinking about how to preserve their strength to negotiate a favorable settlement with Russia and achieve a dignified conclusion.

This was standard practice in Europe where when a war is lost, negotiations follow. Most of the time, this involves ceding territory and paying reparations, with outright destruction of a nation being relatively rare.

The politicians were well aware of how strong the forces that didn’t want them to collapse were. Before long, the great powers would likely intervene to mediate. As long as the Prussian main forces remained intact, they would still have room to negotiate.

It wasn’t just pressure from home, the battlefield situation also left little time for the Prussian forces. Russian reinforcements were steadily arriving.

A combat staff officer explained, “The situation is now very clear. The Russian Ninth Army is only one day’s march away from Poznań. If we want to retake Poznań, we must inflict heavy losses on them or wipe them out entirely.

The total strength of the Russian Ninth Army is about 200,000. Defeating them may not be too difficult, but completely destroying them is not something that can be done in a short period of time.

According to reconnaissance reports, the Russian Ninth Army is behaving very cautiously. Neither ambushes nor sneak attacks are likely to succeed.

Moreover, behind them are the Russian Eleventh and Seventeenth Armies, which have already accelerated their march and will arrive at the front lines within half a month at most.

If we are to retake Poznań, we must do so before the Russian reinforcements arrive. Achieving this without suffering significant casualties is almost impossible.”

The Prussian forces are human too. Even if they are stronger in combat, they still get tired and die.

To swallow 400,000 Russian troops in one go… Even if they can divide and conquer them in two separate locations, it would still come at a heavy cost.

Whether the cost would be 100,000 or 200,000 casualties, no one can provide an answer.

In any case, if the Prussian forces suffer heavy losses in this battle, it will become much harder for them to deal with the Russian reinforcements that follow.

The Russo-Prussian War has reached a point where it feels somewhat like the contest between Chu and Han. Moltke, much like Xiang Yu, has achieved a series of victories up to this point.

Unfortunately, while there have been many hard-fought victories, the enemy’s numbers have not decreased but have instead grown. Meanwhile, his own troops have been steadily declining.

If a few more “victories” like this occur, Moltke will find himself with no soldiers left to command. This bizarre situation is both frustrating and perplexing.

A middle-aged officer retorted, “This battle must be fought. If we retreat in disgrace, not only will morale in the army be severely damaged, but the Poles in Warsaw might directly surrender to the Russians.

Right now, we need a victory to boost morale. The people must see hope for victory. Otherwise, this war cannot continue at all.”

Hope is essential. No one is willing to continue a war they know is doomed to fail.

Warsaw is the capital of the Kingdom of Poland. While the Prussian government could accept the loss of Warsaw, it cannot tolerate the Poles surrendering to the Russians. The political implications of such a surrender would be too significant, as it would undermine the very foundation of the Prussian-Polish Federation’s rule.

To the average person, it might seem logical to think, “The war is already lost, so why bother fighting for a region we’re destined to lose?”

But politically, this is absolutely unacceptable. The Russo-Prussian War is still ongoing, and the Prussian government still needs the Poles to fight for them to better resist the Russians.

In this context, the banner of the Prussian-Polish Federation cannot be abandoned. Losing this symbolic flag would strip the Prussian government of its legal basis for ruling over Poland, and the number of people willing to fight for them would drastically decline.

The Prussian government’s willingness to make an exception and let the military hold on to Warsaw hinges on the fact that the pro-war faction within the army holds greater influence and is unwilling to compromise with the Russians so easily.

Moltke waved his hand, stopping the argument and saying, “This battle must be fought, but we need to fight it selectively.

The Russian Eighth Army, which is holed up inside the city, is not worth our time. However, the Ninth Army, which is heading our way, must be destroyed.

If we retreat, they will join forces with the Eighth Army in the city, and with the reinforcements arriving behind them, the total Russian forces will approach 800,000. That would be too great a threat.

Although the domestic mobilization has been completed, we still need time to reorganize the troops. By eliminating the Ninth Army and severely damaging the enemy reinforcements, we can buy at least two months.”

On the battlefield, time is life. While two months wouldn’t allow the Prussian-Polish Federation to fully recover to its peak, it would at least give them the strength for another fight.

Unlike ordinary officers, Moltke saw the bigger picture. Harsh realities had taught him that winning battles alone doesn’t determine the outcome of a war, overall national strength plays an even greater role.

Ivanov had taught him this lesson through his actions that as long as a nation’s strength is sufficient and its army large enough, defeats on the battlefield can be endured.

Wars inevitably result in casualties, and even defeats can weaken the enemy’s strength. On the battlefield, early victories don’t guarantee ultimate success as the last one standing is the true victor.

…

On December 12, 1880, the British government issued a peace appeal to both Prussia and Russia, which was positively received by the Prussian government but met with outright rejection by the Russian government.

By this point, the war had reached a stage where stopping it wasn’t so simple. The Russian government had invested too much in this war, and now, with victory finally within sight, they weren’t about to halt it. Who would cover the cost of the war’s losses if they did?

Russia’s refusal to cooperate naturally angered the British government. Before they could take any action, news arrived that Warsaw had fallen, making the outcome of the Russo-Prussian War crystal clear.

After the withdrawal of the Prussian main forces, the situation in Warsaw became critical. Despite the fierce resistance of the Polish defenders, the gap in strength was too great to bridge.

After holding out for a month, the Polish defenses were breached, and the Russians broke into the city, where street fighting ensued.

What followed was no longer significant. Everyone knew that the Warsaw front was beyond saving. With surrounding areas already fallen and no reinforcements in sight, the fall of the city’s defenders was only a matter of time.

From the moment the city was breached, it was tacitly acknowledged that Warsaw had changed hands.

The fall of Warsaw also signified the collapse of the Kingdom of Poland. While the withdrawal of the Prussian main forces meant the military impact was manageable, the political implications were enormous.

It marked the disintegration of the once-prominent Prussian-Polish Federation. The remaining Kingdom of Prussia alone could no longer sustain the status of a great power, and the Russians certainly wouldn’t allow them the chance to recover.

Amid these larger developments, Moltke’s actions in Poznań became relatively insignificant. Even though he inflicted heavy losses on Russia’s Ninth Army, it did nothing to reverse the dire trajectory of the war.

…

In St. Petersburg, Alexander II was holding a celebration banquet in the Winter Palace.

By this stage of the war, both Prussia and Russia were exhausted. The difference lay in the fact that the Prussian-Polish Federation was on its last legs, while the Russian Empire was merely fatigued and could still hold out a while longer.

Unlike his last return to St. Petersburg, Ivanov was given the grandest reception by the Russian government this time. It was as if, overnight, his popularity had skyrocketed, and his residence became bustling with visitors.

Uninterested in dealing with these trivial matters, Ivanov rested at home for a night before heading to the palace again to present the next stage of his battle plan to Alexander II.

…

Alexander II asked with a hint of confusion, “Marshal, are you sure you’re not mistaken? Why choose to rest the troops now instead of pursuing victory?”

Ivanov answered firmly, “Your Majesty, after such intense combat, our soldiers are extremely fatigued.

In particular, our main forces have suffered severe losses. To restore their combat effectiveness, rest and reorganization are essential. Now that the enemy has suffered a significant blow, this is the best time for us to let our troops rest.”

Alexander II questioned, “But halting now would give the enemy time to recover, making the next phase of the war more difficult.”

Ivanov explained, “This will not affect the outcome of the war. The Prussian-Polish Federation couldn’t even withstand us, and what remains of the Kingdom of Prussia alone is even less of a threat.

At this point in the war, the Prussian-Polish Federation has suffered over three million casualties, with one million killed in action with half of them soldiers from the Kingdom of Prussia.

No matter what the Prussian government intends to do, they can’t keep this up. The quality of the soldiers they are mobilizing now has already declined significantly. Even if they replenish their forces, their combat effectiveness will drop dramatically.

There’s no need for us to take further risks right now. After resting our troops for a month, we’ll gather over a million soldiers and push forward against the enemy all at once. The chances of victory will be far higher than they are now.”

The weight of Ivanov’s words carried a different significance. Having recaptured Lithuania and Poland, his reputation as a “great general” was firmly established in people’s minds.

The only regret was that Ivanov’s style of warfare came with a heavy price: victories often involved significant resource consumption and high casualties.

Nonetheless, this was of little consequence. After learning the lessons of the previous Russo-Prussian War, Alexander II had become much more patient, and generals like Ivanov, with their cautious and steady approach, were precisely his preference.

After hesitating for a moment, Alexander II made his decision, “Very well, let the troops rest for a month. However, my Marshal, we must still aim to end this war as quickly as possible. The longer it drags on, the more likely unforeseen changes will occur.

We’ve just refused the British offer to mediate and they are unlikely to let this matter rest. If the other great powers join forces to pressure us, the government won’t be able to hold out for long.

Moreover, the government’s finances are in terrible shape. If this war continues much longer, we are very likely to go bankrupt.”

In truth, it wasn’t a matter of likely going bankrupt, it was inevitable. The Prussian government was equally impoverished, so expecting to extract war reparations from them was out of the question.

To finance this war, the Russian government had already accumulated massive debts, with interest payments alone amounting to astronomical figures. Furthermore, the recently recaptured Polish and Lithuanian territories would require substantial funding for postwar reconstruction.

From the very beginning, Alexander II had mentally prepared himself for financial bankruptcy. Having gone through it once before, he no longer feared the prospect of it happening again.

Unfortunately, this time was different. Most of the external debts were secured with collateral, leaving no way to simply default on them. Unless absolutely necessary, the Russian government would not allow the treasury to become empty.

Ivanov awkwardly nodded, unsure of how to respond to this issue. Guaranteeing an early end to the war? Sorry, that was impossible.

War was no child’s play. It wasn’t something that could end just because he said so. Such matters couldn’t be recklessly promised. If it influenced the government’s judgment, the consequences could be disastrous.

For reference, one could look at Yuan Chonghuan, who misled the emperor with his big talk of “pacifying Liaodong in five years,” not only ruining himself but also dooming the Ming dynasty’s fortunes.

As for financial issues, there was no need to even mention them. If the government itself couldn’t handle it, then he, as a soldier, was even more clueless.

Understanding his own limitations, Ivanov chose to ignore Alexander II’s expectant gaze entirely.

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