Holy Roman Empire

As the Russo-Prussian War has progressed to this stage, the post-war international landscape in Europe is certain to undergo a dramatic transformation. With the Austrian government acting as a leading force, it is naturally their goal to steer the situation in a direction favorable to their own interests.

Pulling his wandering thoughts back, Franz said slowly, “The Prussian government is already panicking. The situation in the Prussian-Polish Federation might be worse than what we currently know.

Given the way things are developing, the chances of the Prussian-Polish Federation turning the tide are slim. We can start preparing for the aftermath.

This time, not only must we strike at our competitors and recover our prior investments, but we also need to claim the largest share of the spoils.”

The Russo-Prussian War is far from being as straightforward as it appears. The Austrian government has poured in so much effort and resources, not just to help the Russians win the war.

The credibility of the Russian government is well-known to all. Without substantial returns, why would Franz support them?

The so-called Russo-Austrian friendship is, at best, something to fool the general public. Anyone with a bit of common sense knows how unreliable it is.

Perhaps before the Russo-Prussian War, the friendship between Austria and Russia could be said to be long-standing. But after the war, the two nations will inevitably transition from allies to competitors.

Of course, the Russian government paid a heavy price in this war, incurring enormous debts that it won’t recover from for decades. In the short term, it lacks the capital to break ties with Austria.

For a long time to come, Russo-Austrian friendship will remain the theme of both countries’ diplomacy until one side no longer needs it.

The reason Franz invested so heavily in this war was certainly not because the collateral offered by the Russians was particularly tempting. In reality, demanding territorial collateral was merely to reassure Alexander II, giving him the confidence to boldly seek revenge against the Prussian-Polish Federation.

No matter how fertile the land in Ukraine is, Austria would only gain it if the Russians were defeated and defaulted on their debts.

If the Russian government won the war, Austria would earn only loan interest and some war profits. It was hardly worth the risk involved.

Using debt defaults to undermine the British could be considered one objective. Meanwhile, leveraging post-war overproduction to suppress French manufacturing might also be a secondary goal. However, what truly motivated the Austrian government to invest so heavily was the opportunity to claim the legacy left behind by a defeated Prussian-Polish Federation.

This legacy isn’t about land. While the Prussian-Polish Federation has no shortage of territory, it’s not enough to tempt Franz.

Moreover, the Russians have already paid a tremendous price for this war, with casualties in the millions. It’s impossible to expect them to fight so hard for nothing in return.

If Austria foolishly takes over the territories of the Prussian-Polish Federation, it won’t gain much tangible benefit but will instead be burdened with the responsibility of guarding Eastern Europe’s gateway, locking itself into an endless struggle with Russia.

The idea of establishing a Central European Empire is certainly enticing, but the cost would be extraordinarily high. Austria’s strategic position is already precarious and extending its territory to the Baltic Sea would only guarantee perpetual unrest.

In Franz’s view, the greatest legacy left by the Prussian-Polish Federation is not its land but the people on it, especially the battle-hardened officers.

Once the Prussian-Polish Federation collapses, the only two contenders qualified to inherit this legacy are Russia and Austria.

There is no doubt that the recent bloody conflict between Prussia and Russia has sown the seeds of deep hatred. No matter how opportunistic the Junker aristocracy may be, it’s unlikely they would immediately align themselves with Russia.

Moreover, even if they were willing to defect, they would still need someone willing to take them in.

It’s not just the Russian military that would be unwelcoming toward the Junker aristocracy, even the Austrian military would be reluctant. No one wants to bring in a group of people who might compete for their resources and opportunities.

Franz’s goal of bringing these individuals into Austria’s fold would not involve directly recruiting them. After all, the Austrian military doesn’t have enough positions to accommodate them either.

Except for a few generals who might be appointed to military academies to teach their wartime experiences, most of the Junker aristocracy will have to return to farming and serve as members of Austria’s reserve officer corps.

If a continental war breaks out, they may have the chance to prove themselves again. Otherwise, they’ll simply grow old and die in the fields.

This is the instinct of an emperor. Franz has no doubts about the military expertise of the Junker aristocracy, and he must keep them under his control. Even if he doesn’t use them himself, he cannot let anyone else have them.

Once the Russians win the war and begin rewarding their own people by settling them in the region, they will inevitably conduct a purge of the local vested interests.

It’s not just the Junker aristocracy, even ordinary citizens are likely to suffer. In fact, there’s no way for them to avoid it. How else could the Russians repay their debts to Austria without confiscating local property?

The Russo-Austrian loans also included secret clauses. Beyond the exchange of territory, the use of population as collateral was one of the conditions agreed upon in private.

This arrangement serves both sides’ interests. The Russian government can eliminate local instabilities, while Austria gains a labor force to develop its colonies.

Of course, the agreement comes with restrictions. Austria isn’t a dumping ground that will accept just anyone. After the war, the Austrian government will, under the pretext of rescuing German compatriots, purchase ethnic German prisoners of war from the Russians and take their families along as well.

Franz isn’t worried about competition. Nationalism has already risen, and apart from him, the Holy Roman Emperor, who holds the banner of a unified Greater Germany and can use the cause of national unity to win them over, no other country has the standing to do so.

By dispersing these people across the colonies, Austria can quickly assimilate them. If they were to fall into British or French hands, those nations would likely hesitate to send them to their colonies.

Even as remnants of a defeated force, their combat capability is far from weak. In the colonies, they would undoubtedly rank among the elite.

If these individuals ended up in British or French colonies, cultural and traditional differences would prevent them from assimilating in the short term. They would inevitably become a source of instability as troublemakers who could ignite rebellion at any moment.

Prime Minister Felix said, “Your Majesty, the biggest issue now is the British. They may incite other European nations to intervene in this war.

The fate of the Prussian-Polish Federation is of no concern to us, but the Kingdom of Prussia is, after all, one of the German states even if they’ve declared their withdrawal.

As the leader of the German nation, we cannot appear entirely aligned with the Russians on this issue. Publicly, we must still present ourselves as defenders of Prussia to maintain appearances and give society an acceptable explanation.

If the Russian government caves under pressure and spares the Kingdom of Prussia, our plans may be difficult to carry out.”

Nationalism is a double-edged sword. Since Austria has benefited from the rise of nationalism, it must also bear the responsibilities that come with it.

For instance, unifying the German region, maintaining the territorial integrity of German lands, and combating separatism...

Undoubtedly, the Austrian government will have to intervene. Even if it can’t preserve the entire Kingdom of Prussia, it must at least protect the German territories under Prussian rule.

After a brief moment of thought, Franz shook his head and said, “There’s no need to worry. The territories of Poland and Lithuania have long been internationally recognized as Russian lands, and as the victor, the Russian government will surely reclaim them.

Even if the Kingdom of Prussia is preserved, it will be severely weakened. Massive debts, war reparations, and a devastated domestic economy… These factors combined won’t be easy to overcome.

For Prussia to rise again, it would require favorable international conditions, which won’t be forthcoming. The Russians won’t relent in suppressing them, and neither will we give them such an opportunity.”

For Austria, the Kingdom of Prussia is still too large, so large that Austria fears it might choke on it if it were to swallow Prussia whole.

Without dismantling the Kingdom of Prussia, the path to German unification will remain a pipe dream. The new Holy Roman Empire that Franz envisions does not need powerful member states. The existence of the Kingdom of Prussia would undermine the authority of the central government.

Splitting Prussia is easier said than done. First and foremost, such a polarizing act cannot be carried out by Austria. Otherwise, even if unification is achieved in the future, the Prussian populace would remain alienated from the central government.

In this context, Franz chose to use the Russians as the tool to accomplish this. Given broader strategic considerations, Austria’s support for Russia in the Russo-Prussian War is unsurprising.

Foreign Minister Wessenberg said, “Your Majesty, if the Prussian-Polish Federation is defeated, the future of the European continent will be dominated by Britain, France, Austria, and Russia.

From a geographical perspective, we are positioned at the center of the continent, naturally making us the most advantageous contender for European hegemony.

Whether we like it or not, we will inevitably be drawn into European conflicts in the future. Over the past few years, our rapid rise in power has already made many uneasy.

As time progresses, the frequency of international conflicts will only increase. Driven by interests, the possibility of France and Russia drawing closer is very high.

In theory, we could still ally with Britain to counterbalance a Franco-Russian alliance, but that would be the worst option.”

It’s not just a possibility, it’s highly likely. In the original timeline, France and Russia did indeed align, while an Anglo-German alliance became a pipe dream.

Did the Russians really align with the French because of loans? Before his time-travel, Franz believed so, but now he no longer thinks that’s the case.

In the original timeline, the Franco-Russian rapprochement was fundamentally driven by strategic necessity. The strength of the German Empire posed such a significant threat that they felt compelled to band together for mutual support. Loans were merely a catalyst, not the decisive factor.

Although the current international situation has changed, Austria’s power is still sufficient to provoke caution in both France and Russia.

The lack of a Franco-Russian alliance so far is simply due to the amicable relations between Austria and Russia, and the French are still basking in the glory of the Napoleonic era, unaware of the Austrian threat.

Franz nodded in satisfaction. The ability to clearly recognize the potential threats to Austria in the post-war international order showed that the Austrian Foreign Ministry had matured. It had moved beyond the glories of the past and developed a clear and sober understanding of itself.

“This is indeed a significant threat,” Franz remarked, “but it’s a problem for the future. We still have time to prepare and weaken our competitors before they fully react to the situation.

For now, the most important issue is the Russo-Prussian War. Securing the legacy left by the Prussian-Polish Federation will strengthen our potential power.”

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