Holy Roman Empire

The British proposal caused a huge stir among the upper echelons of the German Federal Empire. Despite the purchase of the Rhineland region, which addressed its shortcomings in heavy industry and significantly boosted the “Comedy Empire’s” overall national strength, the German Federal Empire was still far from being a unified state.

The issue of the federal states within the empire uniting against the central government remained unresolved. The Kingdom of Hanover lacked an overwhelming advantage, and George I was not a leader of extraordinary talent, so the problem was left unaddressed.

(Author’s Note: In the context of the German Federal Empire, this refers to George I; in the Kingdom of Hanover, it refers to George V.)

Unable to achieve internal consolidation, the German Federal Empire was naturally far behind the Prussian-Polish Federation in terms of strength. On a personal level, George I had no interest whatsoever in the British’s “snake swallowing an elephant” plan.

A group of small states within the country had already left him frustrated and adding the Prussian-Polish Federation to the mix would be unthinkable.

In this era, power equates to influence. If the Prussian-Polish Federation were to join the German Federal Empire, it would immediately become the most influential state within the empire, inevitably threatening Hanover’s position.

George I asked, “Do you think the British proposal is feasible?”

It was evident that he was hesitant. The “Comedy Empire” still needed British support to counter Austria and safeguard its independence, so outright rejecting the British proposal was clearly not an option.

However, accepting the Prussian-Polish Federation posed significant risks. Even with Queen Victoria’s guarantees, George I couldn’t fully trust her when it came to national interests.

Prime Minister Torben Hoffmann said, “Your Majesty, the British proposal may seem enticing on the surface, but in reality, it is fraught with peril. If we are not careful, we will become the target of public criticism.

Internationally, France and Austria are unlikely to welcome the merging of the German Federal Empire with the Prussian-Polish Federation. Acting rashly could provoke their dissatisfaction, possibly even leading to military intervention.

Domestically, the various states within the empire have their own agendas. Joining this war offers them no benefit, and the Imperial Parliament is unlikely to approve it.

In such a complex situation, bypassing the Imperial Parliament to forcibly accept the Prussian-Polish Federation could very well push the empire into a state of division.

Beyond these risks, the biggest problem lies with the Prussian-Polish Federation itself. Their sheer size is overwhelming. We neither have the capacity nor the means to fully absorb them.

With their size advantage, it is only a matter of time before they seize the dominant position. This is not a problem that can be solved with mere guarantees, unless the Prussian-Polish Federation is divided first.”

Foreign Minister Steve Lee chimed in, “The risks are indeed significant, but this is still an opportunity. Once missed, it will be much harder for us to make further progress.

Everyone is aware of the situation in Europe. While the Russo-Prussian War may be a minor episode, the future will inevitably be shaped by the power struggle among Britain, France, and Austria.

Other nations can choose neutrality, but we cannot. Austria has never hidden its ambitions, and what’s even more infuriating is that many people within our own country have been misled by nationalism, to the point where they are eager to immediately align with Austria.

The only way to escape this crisis is to strengthen the empire. Only by making the empire strong can we prove that nationalism is misguided and dispel their unrealistic fantasies.”

Torben Hoffmann shook his head and then argued, “Lee, you’re still too idealistic. I admit that annexing the Prussian-Polish Federation is indeed very tempting. To be frank, even I am tempted. But the problem now is that we simply cannot achieve it.

Even if the British manage to convince the French and keep Austria in check, and we successfully persuade the various states within our federation to agree, the likelihood of annexing the Prussian-Polish Federation is still less than ten percent.

Don’t underestimate the disparity in power. While the Prussian-Polish Federation may seem to be in dire straits right now, their population is twice ours, and their territory is five times larger.

After the two countries merge, who is annexing whom? The answer is painfully obvious.

Moreover, the harsh reality of the Russo-Prussian War cannot be ignored. If we accept the Prussian-Polish Federation, we will have to help them win this war.

After the war, we’d still have to pour in massive amounts of money to pay off their debts and assist with post-war reconstruction. What we gain in return is nothing but an illusory dream of becoming a great power.

If we are going to pay such a steep price just for the sake of attaining the status of a great power, we might as well cooperate with the Austrians instead. At least that way, we wouldn’t need to send our young men to the battlefield or have the government tighten its belt to survive.”

Words may be spoken without intent, but they can still plant seeds in a listener’s mind.

Deep down, George I already felt a seed of doubt taking root. “Suspicion” is an instinct of rulers, and here, it’s not meant as a criticism.

Though suspicious, George I outwardly remained calm, appearing as if he was entirely unaffected.

Foreign Minister Steve Lee said, “Your Excellency, Prime Minister, you are correct. We indeed lack the ability to swallow the Prussian-Polish Federation whole, and the costs of participating in this war are undeniably immense.

But that doesn’t really matter. The Prussian-Polish Federation was never a part of the German Federal Empire. Why should we care about them?

All we need is to incorporate the Duchy of Brandenburg, the Duchy of Schleswig, and the Duchy of Holstein into our fold. We can completely abandon the non-German territories.

For now, we don’t need to do much. All we need is to stall for time. Once the Russians win this war, we can make our move.

The British, French, and Austrians won’t allow the Russians to annex the Prussian-Polish Federation. When they intervene, we’ll take the opportunity to reclaim the German territories.

Not only would this gain the support of the British, but the reactions of the French and Austrians wouldn’t be as intense either.”

Steve Lee’s proposal was clearly far more feasible than the British plan. By abandoning the Prussian-Polish Federation and absorbing only the German states within it, the “Comedy Empire” wouldn’t have to worry about choking itself and would face significantly lower risks.

Looking at the history books, it’s clear that the Kingdom of Prussia was formed from the union of the Duchy of Brandenburg and the Duchy of Prussia.

The Duchy of Brandenburg was one of the German principalities, whereas the Duchy of Prussia originated from the State of the Teutonic Order. Although its aristocracy was predominantly German and it was gradually assimilated, geographically speaking, the Duchy of Prussia did not strictly belong to the German region. Excluding it could be justified.

George I was tempted. These three German states, though not vast in territory, were the most vital parts of the Prussian-Polish Federation.

If he could acquire them, the nation’s strength and his personal prestige would both see a significant boost. Moreover, this could be achieved without the risk of going to war with the Russians.

Having reclaimed the Polish and Lithuanian regions and annexed the Duchy of Prussia, if the Russian government still wasn’t satisfied, the British, French, and Austrian powers would undoubtedly be enraged.

With minimal cost and effort, George I could reap a bountiful reward, and he could see no reason to refuse such an opportunity.

After a moment of reflection, George I joyfully said, “Lee, your plan is brilliant! You are destined to become a great diplomat, just like Prince Metternich.

I’m entrusting this matter to you. Inform the British that we agree to their proposal, but the specific details will need to be negotiated.

Your responsibilities ahead are immense. Not only must you delay matters until the end of the Russo-Prussian War, but you must also secure the support of Britain, France, and Austria for me in the postwar period. Do you have a plan?”

Delaying time is not difficult. There are plenty of excuses to use, and the Imperial Parliament serves as the perfect scapegoat. If that doesn’t work, there’s always the option of “leaking the plan” and letting the Austrians intervene to put an end to it.

The real challenge lies in the postwar negotiations. Britain, France, and Austria are not charitable organizations. They won’t offer their help for free, and they will have to pay a price.

After hesitating for a moment, Steve Lee responded, “This will require cooperation from the Russians. The greedier the Russian government appears, the greater our chances of success.

If the Russians simply stop after reclaiming lost territories, leaving a complete Kingdom of Prussia intact, we won’t have any opportunities.

But that’s unlikely. The Russian government has invested heavily in this war, and without spoils of war, how will they recoup their losses?

From what I know, the Russian government has mortgaged large amounts of territory to Austria. Given their financial situation, it will be extremely difficult for them to repay their debts. After the war, they are likely to use the German territories of the Prussian-Polish Federation as payment for their debts.

This is something Britain and France would not want to see. If Austria gains these territories, they will strategically dominate, and no one will be able to stop them from unifying the German region.

On this issue, most European countries would support Britain and France. The Russians, meanwhile, are only looking to repay their debts, and they have no desire to see Austria unify the German region.

This is our opportunity. To hinder Austria’s unification of Germany and strengthen our position, supporting us becomes an appealing choice.

Of course, this won’t be enough. To gain everyone’s support, we’ll need to engage in some exchanges of benefits. For instance, we could sign coal supply agreements with the French.”

The value of land varies, and the same piece of land holds different significance for different countries.

Steve Lee judged that after Russia wins the war, they would use the German territories to repay debts, primarily because these territories have significant political value for Austria, which could be sold to them for a high price.

After all, once Austria takes control of the German territories formerly held by Prussia, the only thing left on the road to German unification will be the “Comedy Empire,” and public opinion will form a general trend of unification.

Once the idea of unification becomes deeply ingrained in people’s minds, it becomes unstoppable. For Austria, the “general trend of unification” is not something that can simply be measured in money.

In contrast, territories in the Russian-controlled Balkans, Poland, and Ukraine hold little political significance and are of minimal interest to Austria. The Austrian government would likely not pay a high price for them.

From the perspective of the German Federal Empire, if it wants to maintain its current independent status, it must interrupt Austria’s momentum for unification.

To achieve this, it must annex the Prussian-held German territories to create a political divide between Northern and Southern Germany, in order to stabilize the public.

This is also why Steve Lee is confident in gaining support from European countries. Austria is already powerful enough, and if they were to unify the German region, they would become the undisputed continental hegemon.

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